Something
has me baffled. In my new home town of Seattle, there’s this popular church
that seems very un-Seattlelike. I’m having trouble squaring the place, and
especially its pastor, with the Seattle I have come to know.
Over many
years, I have found Seattlites, across different venues, to demonstrate the
egalitarianism and tolerance for which the city is famous. That has been
reinforced over the past three months, during which I’ve made Seattle my home. Respect
for difference informs people’s attitudes and fills their conversations.
I am therefore fascinated by the prominence of one
particular Christian church thriving in the heart of the city. Mars Hill Church
was founded in 1996 by its pastor and leader, Mark Driscoll. Driscoll’s brash,
informal style has earned him a wide local following, just as it has brought
him fame and notoriety nationwide. The renegade culture of Seattle’s Ballard
district, home of Mars Hill’s first and main location, has infused the pastor’s
style. In his writings and interviews, Driscoll talks openly about sex, referring
directly to masturbation and fellatio. He and his congregants cut a decidedly
hip appearance. Driscoll himself can be found in t-shirt and sweatshirt, and he
has at times worn a Mohawk-type haircut. Many of his congregants sport body
piercings and tattoos. Among those who are drawn to Driscoll—and there are
thousands—some cite his cool, dressed-down style, as well as the edgy rock that
fills Mars Hill’s pews, as the basis for their attraction.
Driscoll has drawn widespread attention for more than his
style. Notoriety has come Driscoll’s way on account of his crude, antigay,
anti-woman, testosterone-driven pontificating. Ugliness is his standard fare.
Much of it appears in print or on video. His crude, tough-guy persona speaks especially
to young men, whom Driscoll aims to rescue from a mainstream culture that
supposedly feminizes them. In a 2009 in depth analysis of Mars Hill, historian
Molly Worthen
Molly Worthen, “Who Would Jesus Smack Down?,” Jan. 6, 2009.
found that
what
bothers Driscoll—and the growing number of evangelical pastors who agree with
him—is [the standard] portrayal of Jesus as a wimp, or worse. Paintings depict
a gentle man embracing children and cuddling lambs. Hymns celebrate his
patience and tenderness. The mainstream church, Driscoll has written, has
transformed Jesus into “a Richard Simmons, hippie, queer Christ,” a “neutered
and limp-wristed popular Sky Fairy of pop culture that . . . would never talk
about sin or send anyone to hell.”
At the center of Driscoll’s theology is “complementarism,” the notion that God intends women to serve their husbands as helpmates—to “complement” men rather than live as their equals. To empower women, Driscoll believes, is to offend God. Thus, the Episcopal Church, in anointing a woman as a bishop, had ventured down a slippery slope toward naming “a fluffy baby bunny rabbit as their next bishop to lead God’s men.”
Craig Welch, “The Rise and Fall of Mars Hill Church,” September 13, 2013.
Apparently, misogyny makes for good theology. In a 2001 blog
post signed pseudonymously but later claimed as his own, Driscoll informed
readers
that
Jenny Kutner, Evangelical Megachurch Begins Closing Branches after Pastor Calls Women “Penis Homes,” September 8, 2014.
the
first thing to know about your penis is, that despite the way it may seem, it
is not your penis. Ultimately, God created you and it is his penis. You are
simply borrowing it for a while. . .
Knowing
that His penis would need a home, God created a woman to be your wife and when
you marry her and look down you will notice that your wife is shaped
differently than you and makes a very nice home.
Homemaker indeed.
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The vulgar Driscoll has recently come upon hard times. Large
numbers of his congregants have become troubled by him, and many have departed
the church. As a result, Mars Hill has been forced it to close some of its
satellite churches and reduce its staff. This has prompted Driscoll to step
down from his position as pastor of Mars Hill Church.
A
number of factors combined to bring relentless scrutiny and then discredit to
the popular preacher. Driscoll has come under fire for plagiarizing sections of
his book, _Real Marriage,_ and for devising a complicated scheme to exaggerate
sales numbers. He has been widely accused of misusing church funds. A group of
twenty-one former Mars Hill pastors resigned and wrote an open letter calling
for Driscoll’s removal, charging him with spiritually abusive tactics. Outed as
a bully and a cheat, Driscoll chose to diminish his public visibility—at least
for a while.
Warren Throckmorton, “Twenty-One Former Mars Hill Church Pastors Bring Formal Charges against Mark Driscoll," August 21. 2014.
Enough background about Driscoll and Mars Hill. Scads of blogposts and articles abound.
------------------------------------------------
Most
noteworthy to me is that ground zero for Driscoll’s ministry has been Seattle.
What’s up with that? Seattle is often identified as the gay-friendliest city in
the U.S. It is the city that housed the famous 1999 uprising against the World
Trade Organization. A 2011 study identified Seattle and Portland (Maine!) as
the cities containing the highest per capita number of atheists. Here, radicals
of all stripes fill the coffee houses and pubs. No Mississippi, this town!
How is it
that Seattle provided Mark Driscoll a large, boisterous, and outspoken support
base? Should we simply rest assured that Mars Hill is not a representative
voice amid Seattle’s chorus, but simply a loud and dissonant one? Could there be
there two Seattles, one progressive and one reactionary?
These
explanations might perhaps be valid. Driscoll’s supporters are certainly not
typical Seattlites. Apparently, there does exist a reactionary element among
the city’s residents. But I wish to point to another factor, one that exerts a
subtle but real influence on the city’s political culture.
Seattle is
unquestionably a liberal city. On display here is a key element of liberalism:
egalitarianism, including the tolerance for difference that typically
accompanies it. Yet, while egalitarianism dominates Seattle culture, it entwines
with a rather different ideology, one that sometimes combines easily with it
and sometimes does not. That different ideology is anti-establishmentarianism. For
some Seattle radicals, “the establishment” is the Enemy One. They complain that
the autonomy of ordinary people is always under siege by those who exercise the
lion’s share of power. Such sentiments surfaced colorfully during the WTO
protests and in the local initiatives of Earth First!. In Seattle and
elsewhere, anti-establishmentarians celebrate the “uncorrupted” grassroots and
resent the powerful elites who would squash the grassroots under their heavy
heel.
Anti-establishmentarianism
cuts either toward the left or the right, depending on the kind of elites who
draw its ire. Some anti-establishmentarians conceive power primarily in
political terms; others focus on economic power; still others understand power mostly
as a cultural phenomenon. These differences matter, because they determine
where on the ideological spectrum one is likely to fall.
Critics
who focus on the economic establishment tend to sit on the left. This has been
the case in the U.S. at least since the 1880s, when radical labor and farm
unions advanced the cause of poor laborers by denouncing the corrupt
“plutocrats” who used their unconscionable wealth to control the nation. By the
turn of the century, left-wing anarchists would play important roles in the
more radical unions.
Yet, even
when anti-establishmentarianism cuts leftward, it differs from other left-wing
ideologies. This is demonstrated by the left’s complicated reaction to Lyndon
Johnson. For those with a social democratic bent, the Great Society epitomized
government’s proper role of helping increase economic equality. But for anti-establishment
leftists, the Great Society’s intrusion into private life signaled an improper
grab for power. The latter generally maintained that people could do more good
by organizing themselves than by signing their power away to the state.
Anti-establishmentarians, even on the left, tend to mistrust government, to
view it as part of the power elite—along with the military, the university, and
the corporations.
Given
Seattle’s anti-establishmentarian strain, it is not shocking that one can find,
among some residents, a disdain for those in political and cultural power. And
that disdain potentially alienates them from the city’s dominant liberalism. Anti-establishmentarians
who focus their ire on the state fall somewhere between the left and right;
their orientation is more toward libertarianism than toward the social
democracy more typical of the American left. Meanwhile, those anti-establishmentarians
most concerned with culture register only disgust for liberal “elites.”
Mark
Driscoll and his flock evince anti-establishmentarianism of the cultural breed.
They mistrust “over-education” and the “political correctness” to which it
gives rise, including gender and sexual-orientation equality. Driscoll’s
diatribes are red meat to his followers, many of whom hunger for brute,
unsentimental leadership. When he stokes men’s sexual aggression toward women
(within the bounds of marriage, of course), he enacts revenge-by-proxy against
effete liberals and their libertine morals. He vindicates those for whom morality
emanates outward from the gut, for whom love is raw rather than cultivated. No
“hippie, queer Christ” for these Christians.
Driscoll’s
masculinity-run-rabid contradicts nearly all that Seattle represents. His
mistrust of women and disdain for LGBT folks may seem anathema to Seattle
culture—and, overwhelmingly, it is. But not entirely. The anti-establishment
impulse that runs through the city’s culture manifests occasionally as
conservative populism. When it does, it can provide fertile ground for the sort
of right-wing evangelicals who resonate with the rumblings of a Mark Driscoll.
Strange, but true.